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No.
22 May 2004
In honour of a significant recent event in New Zealand, attended by members of the GE Information Service, we have chosen to depart from our usual 'published news' format. Over four days in April a group of about 40 people gathered to converse over the GE issue, using a process called Dialogue. What was unusual was that participants represented viewpoints from across the board and that they didn't just debate with each other. Instead we talked both in large and small groups about motivations, shared values, personal experiences and responsibilities. Technical details were offered, prejudices were confronted. This process of dialogue humanised the concerns of all sides in the issue and wandered through technical, spiritual, metaphysical and political matters. With both quiet reflection and passion, participants focussed on personal responsibilities. A lack of trust was acknowledged around science, business, activism and the media - and trust was built among representatives of these sectors during the four days of dialogue. Participants also acknowledged the roles of both gut instinct and rationality in the way positions are formed. There were no grand resolutions to be passed to, and perhaps ignored by, officials. But important and valuable connections were made, connections which might have previously been regarded as impossible. What changed? What difference will it make? All the participants will be asking that question. Certainly impressions of the 'other' changed. The conversations will no doubt continue among individuals who were there and with their wider communities. How does it change the Bulletin? To be clear, the usual Bulletin format is a compilation of edited versions of published news stories from credible sources, reproducing the stories' words to reduce the possibility of misrepresentation. The website offers the full stories and links so readers can observe the editorial process and catch up on detail that was dropped from the shortened items. The choice of stories of course represents our editorial position, reflecting our concern over the responsible use of genetic engineering. But the Bulletin is not intended to stand alone in media space. We observe that society has access to other editorial positions in other publications. We do not seek to be 'balanced' for we recognise that the Bulletin itself has a role to play in balancing the editorial choices of other publications. For its usual content the Bulletin is reliant on published material. We choose stories which have a factual base and add to the sum of knowledge on the issue. We avoid name-calling and personalisation of the issue. The headlines are those of the original stories, and often have the typical news style of overinterpretation - we accept this as a consequence of our decision to keep editorial change away from the items. Sometimes one story is chosen over another in order to have a less strident headline, or to avoid name-calling. So, with our perspective widened by the GE Dialogue at Tauhara, what can we offer for the Bulletin to do differently? At the least, we offer a commitment to editorial decisions made in a spirit of connection and co-operation rather than conflict. We offer a willingness to be part of a process of positive change. And we issue a warning, film-credit style - "Note that all people occurring in these stories are real. With most of the same bits that you have - with families, problems, successes, values, concerns and desires." Whatever our positions on GE, we share a common humanity. 100 staff await first GM application Bt cotton benefits short-lived: study US seeks WTO sanctions for EU over GM ban
Restaurant and canteen food containing GMOs must be clearly marked when
new rules on GMO labelling take effect in April, the German government
said on Wednesday. On April 18 new European Union rules mean food on sale
in shops will have to be labelled if it contains GMOs. Animal feed sold
to farmers will also have to be labelled. "If canteens or restaurants
use GM food this must be clearly marked on the menu or in a notice," Junior
German Agriculture and Consumer Protection Minister Alexander Mueller
said. "It is now the responsibility of the private sector to fulfil its
labelling responsibilities," he added. Biotech rice plans are stalled Wheat Board snuffs GM canola trial Angola bans GM cereal imports Venezuela: GM crops to be prohibited Bayer deals blow to GM crops Argentina's bitter harvest Soya is being blamed for an environmental crisis that is threatening
the country's fragile economic recovery. Over the past eight years, GM
soya farmers have taken over a huge proportion of Argentina's arable land,
leading to regular complaints by peasant families that their crops have
been harmed by glyphosate and other herbicides. Driven by the world's
demand for soya to feed to cattle, from 1997 to 2002 the area under soya
cultivation increased by 75 per cent and yields increased by 173 per cent.
In the early years there were also clear environmental benefits. Some
years ago, however, a few agronomists started to sound alarm bells, warning
that the wholesale and unmonitored shift into Roundup Ready soya was causing
unforeseen problems. In a study published in 2001, agricultural economics
consultant Charles Benbrook reported that Roundup Ready soya growers in
Argentina were using more than twice as much herbicide as conventional
soya farmers, largely because of unexpected problems with tolerant weeds.
Among his predictions were shifts in the composition of weed species,
the emergence of resistant superweeds, and changes in soil microbiology.
Many see Argentina's experience as a warning of what can happen when production
of a single commodity for the world market takes precedence over concern
for food security. When this commodity is produced in a system of near
monoculture, with the use of a new and relatively untested technology
provided by multinational companies, the vulnerability of the country
is compounded. GM soya saved us, says angry Argentina
Review: The Dawn of McScience In a letter to the apostolic nuncio in Poland [in] 2002, John Paul II
wrote that the pre-eminence of the profit motive in conducting scientific
research ultimately means that science is deprived of its epistemological
character, according to which its primary goal is discovery of the truth.
Sheldon Krimsky, a physicist, philosopher, and policy analyst now at the
Tufts University School of Medicine, puts it more bluntly. In Science
in the Private Interest, a strongly argued polemic against the commercial
conditions in which scientific research currently operates, he shows how
universities have become little more than instruments of wealth. This
shift in the mission of academia, Krimsky claims, works against the public
interest. These subtle yet insidious changes to the rules of engagement
between science and commerce are causing, in Krimsky's view, incalculable
injury to society, as well as to science. [He] makes a telling comparison
of journalists and public officials, groups for whom monetary conflicts
of interest, now endemic in science, are anathema to their professional
ethics. American historian Steven Shapin, in his forceful exploration
of the basis for scientific knowledge in the seventeenth century, links
the origins of English experimental philosophy with the cultural importance
of truthfulness - "the gentlemanly constitution of scientific truth".
He argues that our personal knowledge of the world depends to a large
degree on what others tell us. Our understanding therefore has a moral
character, based as it must be on trust. In constructing a body of reliable
individual knowledge, trustworthy people are crucial. In the seventeenth
century, the concept of the gentleman embodied these notions of trust.
Lying was seen as incompatible with a civilized society. A series of social
conventions followed from this claim - the importance of face-to-face
conversation, the centrality of "epistemological decorum." Secret scientific
knowledge and commercial exploitation of discoveries thus have a long
and much-abhorred history within science, whatever scientists might claim
in order to justify themselves today. Still, most scientists and academic
leaders will reject this negative attitude toward collaborations between
science and industry. The argument for partnership seems entirely reasonable.
Science aims to acquire knowledge but needs money to invest in research.
Industry wants to develop products for a profit, but needs a sound base
of knowledge on which to do so. Their interests are complementary. But
something changed dramatically in the early 1980s to push academia and
industry closer together. The emerging biotechnology industry became the
driving force behind this marriage of opportunities. The federal government
enacted a list of statutes that mandated the National Institutes of Health
to cooperate with the private sector. In 1991, William Raub, then acting
director, commented that the American body politic traditionally has erupted
in anger when publicly financed activities yield undue private gain, when
information intended for the many becomes the exclusive possession of
the few, when personal goals are advanced at the expense of national ones,
or when the prospect of profit breeds dishonest dealing. A decade later,
many of these predictions have come true. When scientists ask colleagues
to share their data, genetic discoveries, for example, are frequently
withheld. This proprietorial approach to new research findings is increasing,
especially in commercially sensitive disciplines. Lack of collaboration
with other scientists prevents investigators from confirming and extending
new discoveries. Not surprisingly, there is a strong association between
commercial sponsorship and the conclusions scientists draw from their
findings. Scientists who argue in favor of a particular product are more
likely than their neutral or critical colleagues to possess a financial
stake in the company that is funding their research or the product they
are studying. There is the growing view that science must be reclaimed
for the public interest. Krimsky argues this case vigorously. For him,
public interest science is "research carried out primarily to advance
the public good." An alternative view is that a dissolution of the partnership
between science and commerce is neither possible nor desirable. Instead
of possibly choking off innovation by legislating against the judicious
commercial development of scientific research, a better way to proceed,
according to John Ziman, a respected philosopher of science, is to let
this work proceed unhindered while at the same time protecting the "non-instrumental"
functions of science that are currently under threat. Sustaining some
form of non-instrumental science - which practically means not routinely
applying the litmus test of wealth creation to every new idea or hypothesis
- is important not only for inquiry into fundamental theoretical questions
but also because society needs a model of independent critical rationality
for the proper conduct of democratic debate, judicial inquiry, and consumer
protection. But non-instrumental science can only be protected by organizations
whose funding decisions are determined by disinterested scientists themselves,
whether in university departments, charitable foundations, or government
agencies. [This] partial solution poses its own dangers. In a brief and
tantalizing epilogue to his social history of truth, Shapin speculates
about the way trust and credibility are manipulated in the modern era.
He notes that we are told things about the world by people whom we do
not know, working in places we have not been. Trust is no longer bestowed
on familiar individuals. We trust the truth of specialized scientific
knowledge without knowing the authors of its claims. The gentleman has
been replaced by the scientific expert, personal virtue by the possession
of specialized knowledge, a calling by a job, a nexus of face-to-face
intervention by faceless institutions. If expertise is found to be shaped
by motives of personal gain and if the reputations of institutions are
stained by private advantage (as they increasingly are) then trust will
be as vulnerable to commercial corrosion now as it was to ungentlemanly
behavior in the salons of seventeenth-century English experimentalists.
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